AMU Homeland Security

Who is Ali Khamenei?

Brandon Martz
Student Contributor for In Homeland Security

On June 5, 2013, the capital of the Isfahan Province in Iran witnessed tens of thousands of protesters, the largest demonstration in years. Protesters in the anti-regime demonstration held banners and chanted “death to the dictator” while holding up images of Ali Khamenei. A demonstration of this magnitude prompts the world to ask, who is Khamenei?

Ali Khamenei is the current Supreme Leader of Iran, serving a life-long term since his appointment in 1989. The constitution of Iran asserts that the Supreme Leader is charged with setting “the tone and direction of Iran’s domestic and foreign policies” and in addition he alone holds the power of declaring war and peace. Being at the top of Iran’s political structure, Khamenei effectively controls the entirety of Iran’s political system.

Khamenei first entered Iran’s political arena in the early 1960s, when the identity of the Iranian public suffered a crisis. Iran functioned under a constitutional monarchy during this time period whereas the constitution stipulated, “no legislation should contravene Islamic law.” The Iranian people interpreted this to present Islam as the first and foremost identifier for the country. The ruling Pahlavi dynasty, however, created a sense of nationalism, reflecting upon itself as the source. The Iranian public was left divided: presented with the inconsistencies of primarily identifying with either Islam or the dynasty. In addition, the Pahlavi dynasty assumed absolute control over the Iranian political system, resembling a dictatorship. The Islamic Revolution sought to remedy this dilemma by overthrowing the regime and reinstating Iran as an Islamic society. Khamenei addressed the Iranian people’s longing for an identity and advocated for an Islamic-centric cultural and university system. He undertook advanced Islamic studies and became interested in the Islamic Revolution. Khamenei met the leader of the Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini, through his studies and developed a close relationship with him. Khamenei sought mentorship from Ayatollah Khomeini and joined the revolutionary movement with vigor, experiencing numerous arrests and even exile for his activism. Khamenei operated shrewdly, observing the grievances of the Iranian public and addressing them expertly.

The Islamic Revolution succeeded in overthrowing the regime in 1979 and Khamenei was immediately rewarded with a senior position in the new government. Khamenei continued advocating for a centric Islamic identity for Iran and quickly became the Supreme Leader. It is important to note that in terms of power structure, pre- and post-revolutionary Iran do not differ drastically. Modern-day Iran sees power still concentrated amongst a select few, and Khamenei controls all final decisions concerning the development of Iranian policy. The glaring difference is that Khamenei uses Islam to legitimize his governance whereas the Pahlavis in pre-revolutionary Iran relied upon dynastic nationalism for legitimacy. Khamenei succeeded in providing a strong identity for the Islamic people, reliant upon strict adherence to conservative Islam. Khamenei relies upon the Iranian people’s trust in Islam to legitimize his authoritarian rule. If Iran experiences a paradigm shift and transitions to a secular worldview, it is unlikely that Khamenei will be able to retain and rationalize his power to the public.

The June 5th demonstrations are not a result of wavering faith in Islam. To date, an overwhelming 99.6% of the Iranian public identifies as being of the Islamic religion. Instead, the rally protested Iran’s upcoming Presidential election. Khamenei’s regime placed two leaders of a reformist movement supporting the Arab Spring under house arrest, and has carefully vetted eight Presidential candidates, all of whom share identical beliefs with the Supreme Leader. Protesters allege the regime engages in vote rigging, and stifling of the opposition sparks increased outrage.

Khamenei’s power rests upon the public’s adherence and acceptance of Islam. In order to retain this power and quell the opposition, it is predicted that Khamenei must adapt Islam in Iran to allow for modernity. Islam has historically proven as an effective way of keeping the Iranian public united under Khamenei, and he must allow it to evolve with the beliefs of his people. If he does not accept accommodations, Khamenei risks alienating the Iranian public from Islam and a resulting collapse of his perceived legitimacy.

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